{"id":2230,"date":"2020-03-12T06:24:12","date_gmt":"2020-03-12T06:24:12","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ccla.org\/?p=2230"},"modified":"2021-09-03T15:19:04","modified_gmt":"2021-09-03T15:19:04","slug":"coronavirus-and-quarantine-law","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ccla.org\/fr\/major-cases-reports\/covid-19-law-enforcement\/coronavirus-and-quarantine-law\/","title":{"rendered":"Coronavirus (COVID-19) et loi sur la quarantaine"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\t\t
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This\u00a0post\u00a0discusses the civil liberties implications of the coronavirus quarantines taking place in 2020 in Canada.\u00a0There are federal quarantine laws and provincial quarantine laws, which obviously vary from province to province.\u00a0The federal and most provincial quarantine laws were updated after the\u00a02003\u00a0SARS crisis, during which time all Canadian governments of all levels discovered that they did not have the legal tools to do what\u00a0public health officials recommended.\u00a0It was\u00a0as chaotic then\u00a0in Canada<\/a>\u00a0as COVID19 seems to be in the US, Italy,\u00a0and other\u00a0nations unprepared for COVID19.<\/p>\n

The new emergency management laws passed post-SARS have not been\u00a0tested legally, in terms of litigation regarding quarantine laws. In other words, the contemporary use of quarantine laws feels like uncharted legal territory.<\/p>\n

CCLA\u2019s view is that the\u00a0Charter\u00a0of Rights and Freedoms<\/em>\u00a0requires the government to\u00a0quarantine only where explicitly prescribed by statute,\u00a0which ought to be\u00a0narrowly\u00a0construed, although less strictly construed\u00a0in circumstances attaching to\u00a0criminal law detention.\u00a0Furthermore, public officials must\u00a0ensure that the quarantined have adequate living conditions and the effective right to counsel. Otherwise, the federal\u00a0legislation, at least,\u00a0appears constitutional on its face.\u00a0The risks arise with respect to the\u00a0particular conditions\u00a0of the quarantined, and any hint\u00a0of racial profiling\u00a0taking place.\u00a0Within the\u00a0little case law on point, the courts tend to\u00a0defer to public health policy objectives. However, more expanded forms of quarantine such as city-wide lockdowns or quarantines that target\u00a0a stigmatized\u00a0or racialized\u00a0community\u00a0(today,\u00a0people of Asian descent; tomorrow, maybe people of\u00a0national descent where COVID19 outbreaks take place)\u00a0would be vulnerable to a constitutional challenge.<\/p>\n

BACKGROUND FACTS<\/span><\/h3>\n

In late December 2019, health officials in Wuhan, China, detected the outbreak of a new virus known eventually called COVID19. On January 23, 2020, the Chinese government imposed a\u00a0complete lockdown<\/a>\u00a0on the city of Wuhan.<\/p>\n

About 370 Canadians in Wuhan\u00a0requested evacuation<\/a>\u00a0to Canada. The Canadian government responded by chartering\u00a0two\u00a0planes\u00a0and securing seats on a U.S. government flight. The returnees\u00a0were\u00a0quarantined in a hotel in Canadian Forces Base (CFB) Trenton, a military base approximately 170 kilometres east of Toronto.\u00a0Those Canadians\u00a0were\u00a0released<\/a>\u00a0after the expiration of their 14-day quarantine; none tested positive for the coronavirus.\u00a0Recently, Canadians were evacuated from a\u00a0California-docked cruise ship<\/a>\u00a0to be transported\u00a0to\u00a0and quarantined at\u00a0the same military base.<\/p>\n

LEGAL FRAMEWORK IN ONTARIO AND CANADA<\/span><\/h3>\n

Regarding the CFB Trenton (Ontario) quarantines, the\u00a0federal\u00a0Quarantine Act<\/em><\/a>\u00a0empowers Canada to control the international movement of people and goods in the event of a health emergency, while the provincial\u00a0Health Protection and Promotion Act<\/em><\/a>\u00a0empowers Ontario to impose quarantines within the province. Thus, the federal act was applied to the CFB Trenton quarantine because the government\u00a0was\u00a0dealing with returnees from China. By contrast, the provincial act was used during the 2003 SARS crisis to quarantine persons who were already in Ontario. While other types of legislation may also be relevant to pandemics, such as Ontario\u2019s\u00a0Emergency Management Act<\/em>\u00a0or the Constitution\u2019s peace, order, and good government power, this section focuses on the\u00a0Quarantine Act<\/em>\u00a0and\u00a0Health Protection and Promotion Act<\/em>.<\/p>\n

THE FEDERAL\u00a0QUARANTINE ACT<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

The\u00a0Quarantine Act<\/em>\u00a0grants the government broad powers to control international travel of persons and goods in times of disease. The quarantine at CFB Trenton was authorised under an emergency order made under s. 58(1) of the\u00a0Quarantine Act<\/em>, which provides as follows:<\/p>\n

Order prohibiting entry into Canada<\/p>\n

58 (1)\u00a0The Governor in Council may make an order prohibiting or subjecting to any condition the entry into Canada of any class of persons who have been in a foreign country or a specified part of a foreign country if the Governor in Council is of the opinion that<\/p>\n

(a)\u00a0there is an outbreak of a communicable disease in the foreign\u00a0country;<\/p>\n

(b)\u00a0the introduction or spread of the disease would pose an imminent and severe risk to public health in\u00a0Canada;<\/p>\n

(c)\u00a0the entry of members of that class of persons into Canada may introduce or contribute to the spread of the communicable disease in Canada; and<\/p>\n

(d)\u00a0no reasonable alternatives to prevent the introduction or spread of the disease are available.<\/p>\n

This power was\u00a0previously used<\/a>\u00a0during the 2014 Ebola outbreak to impose reporting and screening obligations on persons who had come from Guinea within a 21-day period. Since there is no statutory appeal from s. 58(1), the\u00a0Charter\u2019s\u00a0<\/em>s. 10(c)\u00a0habeas corpus remedy\u00a0would be the best way to challenge an order under that section. s. 7 of the\u00a0Quarantine Act<\/em>\u00a0also empowers the government to designate any location as a quarantine facility \u2013 in this case, CFB Trenton.<\/p>\n

The\u00a0Quarantine Act\u00a0<\/em>also authorises non-quarantine disease control measures. For example,\u00a0s. 28 of the\u00a0legislation enables the appointment of specialised officers who can detain and medically examine any international traveller if they suspect them to be a public health risk or if they refuse to submit to medical examination. Unlike s. 58(1),\u00a0there\u00a0is a statutory appeal\u00a0(s. 29[6])\u00a0from this type of detention that must be heard by the reviewing officer \u201cwithin 48 hours after receiving the request [for review of detention]\u201d.\u00a0S. 39(1) empowers officers\u00a0to\u00a0stop, search, divert, or destroy any \u201cconveyance\u201d (e.g. an aircraft or shipping container) that is entering or departing Canada if they feel that the conveyance is harbouring a communicable disease. These powers\u00a0were used during the 2003 SARS outbreak<\/a>\u00a0to detain and decontaminate an aircraft at Vancouver International Airport because a passenger had SARS-like symptoms.<\/p>\n

THE\u00a0ONTARIO QUARANTINE LAW<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

While only federal legislation has been used in the crisis thus far, provincial legislation could be activated if the virus continues to spread in Ontario. The provincial\u00a0Health Protection and Promotion Act<\/em>\u00a0pertains to public health in Ontario generally; Parts VI and V of the Act pertain to communicable disease and quarantine.\u00a0S. 22(2) of the\u00a0Act\u00a0empowers public\u00a0health officers\u00a0appointed under the statute\u00a0to\u00a0issue quarantine orders if they are necessary to prevent a communicable disease. These quarantine orders take many forms, including requiring a person or class of persons to isolate themselves, seek treatment, or close premises. There is a statutory appeal for these quarantine orders, but that appeal process may be illusory; unlike the federal statute\u2019s 48-hour limit,\u00a0s. 44(5) of the\u00a0provincial statute only requires that a hearing be held \u201cwithin fifteen days after receipt by the Board of the notice in writing requiring the hearing\u201d, by which time the order may have already expired because most quarantine orders are measured in terms of weeks.<\/p>\n

The 2003 SARS crisis provides an example of how the\u00a0Health Protection and Promotion Act<\/em>\u00a0was used. SARS emerged in China in November 2002 and spread to Canada through a traveller; the disease then spread throughout hospitals in Toronto to infect a total of 438 persons. Ontario public health officials asked over 13,000 Toronto residents to voluntarily observe quarantine, most of whom\u00a0did; mandatory orders were resorted to in 27 cases.<\/p>\n

CIVIL LIBERTIES ISSUES<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

A quarantine is\u00a0prima facie<\/em>\u00a0a form of detention that engages various\u00a0Charter\u00a0<\/em>rights such as liberty (s. 7) or freedom from arbitrary detention (s. 9, 10).\u00a0On the one hand,\u00a0a detention is a detention, with varying degrees of limitations on\u00a0a person\u2019s liberty and security of the person, and varying degrees of\u00a0due process applying to the liberty infringement.\u00a0To lose one\u2019s freedom\u00a0of movement and residence and interaction with others,\u00a0to be constricted to\u00a0a particular property,\u00a0even if\u00a0quarantined\u00a0at home, is a version of house arrest\u00a0or\u00a0institutional custody.\u00a0Depending on the conditions, this amounts to one of the most serious lawful\u00a0infringements\u00a0of our\u00a0fundamental freedoms\u00a0in Canada.\u00a0This is the state telling people that they are\u00a0not<\/em>\u00a0free to go; they are not free to interact with their family\u00a0and friends;\u00a0they cannot\u00a0hug their kids or vice versa;\u00a0they are not free\u00a0as they were prior to the imposition of a quarantine.<\/p>\n

On the other hand,\u00a0that\u00a0liberty infringement\u00a0in a quarantine context\u00a0may be different\u00a0from\u00a0other contexts, such as detention pursuant to the\u00a0Criminal Code<\/em>, provincial offences acts,\u00a0or\u00a0the\u00a0common law.\u00a0In the criminal and quasi-criminal context, the prejudice is unquestionably greater than in the public health quarantine context.\u00a0While there is a stigma attaching to the quarantined, it is less than that of a\u00a0pre-trial detention in a correctional facility, let alone\u00a0a custodial sentence in a provincial or federal facility.\u00a0Other than that stigma, there\u00a0are also less adverse effects following\u00a0a quarantine\u00a0detention\u00a0than\u00a0a criminal law detention.\u00a0There is no \u2018quarantine record\u2019\u00a0saved permanently or otherwise in police records.\u00a0There may be adverse effects on employment and housing, but that would require the employer or landlord to be made aware of the\u00a0quarantined, which would not arise from\u00a0public records checks.\u00a0Nor are there necessarily any conditions attaching to\u00a0liberty post-quarantine, such as is the case with those paroled and on probation.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, the effect on one\u2019s mental health\u00a0during a quarantine should not be understated.\u00a0This amounts to a violation of security of the person under\u00a0section 7 of the\u00a0Charter<\/em>.\u00a0This will, by necessity, vary from person to person, depending on their\u00a0natural level of anxiety, depression or other conditions.\u00a0Someone addicted to alcohol or cannabis,\u00a0both legal products,\u00a0will face\u00a0particular challenges\u00a0during quarantine.\u00a0To imagine that there are no addicts or alcoholics\u00a0or mentally ill\u00a0among the hundreds quarantined at CFB Trenton\u00a0is statistically na\u00efve.<\/p>\n

Accordingly,\u00a0in order for CCLA to continue to adequately\u00a0honour\u00a0and\u00a0support our\u00a0legal fights\u00a0for the rights of defendants,\u00a0prisoners, those in solitary confinement, and\u00a0convicts with a criminal record,\u00a0CCLA\u00a0ought to consider that\u00a0a quarantine is\u00a0no\u00a0federal\u00a0solitary confinement, except of course when it is, but that goes to the quarantine conditions.\u00a0From a principled perspective, then, the\u00a0impact on the liberty and security of the person of the quarantined may be less onerous than criminal and quasi-criminal law detentions.\u00a0It follows that the due process attaching to a quarantine may not be\u00a0less than that in\u00a0the penal context.<\/p>\n

Quarantine is\u00a0legally\u00a0not a punishment and therefore attracts less due process rights than detentions that are punishments.\u00a0On the other hand,\u00a0the quarantined are\u00a0unquestionably\u00a0also innocent, so a quarantine no doubt may feel like a punishment to some.\u00a0That\u00a0is\u00a0the infringement of liberty, which does indeed attract a level of due process and proportion consistent with its purpose.\u00a0Just how long one may be held must be prescribed by statute or regulation.\u00a0The conditions must be better than prison but less than\u00a0a spa.\u00a0And there ought to be rights of appeal.\u00a0This would apply primarily to circumstances where someone believes themselves to have been mistakenly quarantined, or where the quarantine was no\u00a0public health official\u2019s error, but was applied in an overbroad fashion, akin to what is happening in Italy in March 2020.<\/p>\n

There is\u00a0little\u00a0case law on\u00a0Charter<\/em>\u00a0challenges to quarantine orders, although\u00a0three cases suggest that there would be judicial deference to a public health order. For example, in\u00a0Toronto (City, Medical Officer of Health) v. Deakin<\/em>\u00a0[2002]\u00a0O.J. No. 2777 (Ct. J.), the Ontario Court of Justice upheld a four-month extension on a four-month detention of a potentially infectious tuberculosis patient. The court held that his\u00a0s. 7\u00a0liberty rights were violated but the violation was justified under s. 1:<\/p>\n

What was done to [the patient] was carried out for the protection of public health and the prevention of the spread of tuberculosis, a disease that [a medical specialist] described as extremely contagious.\u00a0[26]<\/p>\n

In a second case,\u00a0Re George Bowack<\/em>, [1892] 2 B.C.R. 216 (S.C.),\u00a0this time pre-Charter<\/em>, the British Columbia Supreme Court sided with public health imperatives. In that 1892 case, a traveler with smallpox was detained in a hospital under a municipal bylaw that was passed pursuant to provincial legislation. The court upheld the legislation as legitimate and rejected the traveler\u2019s writ of\u00a0habeas corpus<\/em>.<\/p>\n

In a third case,\u00a0Canadian AIDS Society v Ontario\u00a0<\/em>(1995)\u00a025 O.R. (3d) 388 (Gen. Div.), an Ontario superior court adjudicated the constitutionality of HIV reporting requirements under various provincial healthcare acts. These reporting requirements operated to compel the Canadian Red Cross Society to inform public health authorities that the Red Cross possessed donated blood samples that were HIV positive. The court weighed the privacy interest of the blood donors against public health considerations and upheld the reporting requirements because\u00a0\u201cthe state objective of promoting public health for the safety of all will be given great weight.\u00a0[133]\u201d There appear to be no cases where a public health-related detention has been successfully challenged.<\/p>\n

Furthermore, the CFB Trenton quarantine is relatively measured; it lasts for 14 days (the\u00a0current\u00a0maximum symptomatic period for the coronavirus) and is constrained to people who have come from Wuhan, the epicenter of the disease outbreak,\u00a0and those who had been quarantined on a cruise ship eventually landing in California.<\/p>\n

More draconian quarantine measures have been applied in other liberal democracies such as the U.S., where quarantine has been applied to\u00a0all American returnees who have visited the whole of Hubei province<\/a>\u00a0(where Wuhan city is located),\u00a0and where a travel ban\u00a0was placed upon Europeans entering the US,\u00a0or in New Zealand,\u00a0where any New Zealander returning from\u00a0anywhere<\/em>\u00a0in China must be quarantined, or in Italy, where a nation-wide quarantine was issued by decree.<\/p>\n

While there is\u00a0debate over the efficacy of quarantines<\/a>, there is at least\u00a0some degree of support for their use in\u00a0Canada to date<\/a>, which suggests that the CFB Trenton quarantine is within the range of legitimate public health policy choices.<\/p>\n

QUARANTINE CONDITIONS AND ACCESS TO JUSTICE<\/span><\/h3>\n

CCLA\u00a0will\u00a0advocate for\u00a0legal reform going forward.\u00a0The\u00a0government\u00a0ought\u00a0to bake minimum standards for living conditions into the federal and provincial legislation.\u00a0At present, those\u00a0standards of relative comfort ought to be the\u00a0minimum\u00a0to which the government is held.\u00a0Given that Health Minister Patty Hadju has acknowledged that a 14-day quarantine will be\u00a0\u201cvery stressful\u201d<\/a>, poor quarantine conditions could constitute a form of state-imposed psychological stress that would violate security of the person under s. 7 of the\u00a0Charter<\/em>. Especially dire\u00a0quarantine conditions could even be a form of cruel and unusual treatment under s. 12 of the\u00a0Charter,\u00a0<\/em>which requires state treatment\u00a0\u201cto be so excessive as to outrage standards of decency\u201d\u00a0(see, for e.g.,\u00a0R. v. Ferguson<\/em>, 2008 SCC 6 at para. 14).\u00a0This is a high standard that might only be met if the quarantined were deprived of adequate food, housed in dirty conditions, continuously confined in rooms without meaningful access to the outdoors, or a combination of these or other hardship conditions. In the case of CFB Trenton, however, the hotel appears to be sufficiently comfortable \u2013 families are staying together in ensuite rooms that have high-speed internet and food delivery.<\/p>\n

However, there is no guarantee that future quarantines will have\u00a0these\u00a0appropriate\u00a0comforts\u00a0because the federal and provincial legislation are silent on quarantine conditions.\u00a0S. 62(c)-(c.1) of the\u00a0federal legislation does empower the Governor-in-Council to make regulations regarding different aspects of quarantine facilities, but none appear to have been promulgated. Thus, CCLA\u00a0will\u00a0argue for statutes or regulations that prescribe minimum living standards for quarantines.<\/p>\n

CCLA\u00a0has already\u00a0advocated\u00a0for the\u00a0federal\u00a0government to respect, deliver and coordinate\u00a0the right of the quarantined to have effective access to counsel (s. 11\u00a0Charter<\/em>),\u00a0pursuant to\u00a0a\u00a0recent\u00a0public\u00a0letter<\/a>\u00a0to\u00a0Hon.\u00a0David Lametti, the Attorney-General of Canada.<\/p>\n

It is important to note that s. 11\u00a0Charter<\/em>\u00a0jurisprudence suggests that what the\u00a0Charter\u00a0<\/em>requires is limited to the government informing the quarantined of their rights to counsel and the contact information for legal aid for those eligible for it\u00a0(see\u00a0R v Bartle<\/em>\u00a0[1994] 3 S.C.R 173), in addition to facilitating their access to a telephone if needed\u00a0(see\u00a0R v Manninen<\/em>\u00a0[1987] 1 S.C.R. 1233, 1241). Of course, it remains open to CCLA to advocate over and beyond the bare minimum, and it would certainly be welcomed if the federal authorities did facilitate legal services for\u00a0all of\u00a0the quarantined.\u00a0To date, the\u00a0Attorney General\u00a0has taken the position that allowing access to self-help measures is enough.\u00a0Given that few can find or afford counsel,\u00a0this is not good news for Canadian civil liberties.<\/p>\n

MORE\u00a0EXTREME\u00a0EMERGENCY\u00a0MEASURES<\/span><\/h3>\n

A city-wide lockdown similar to the one imposed on Wuhan by the Chinese government would almost certainly be unconstitutional, as\u00a0legal experts have pointed out. However, measures less extreme than a city-wide lockdown could still be unconstitutional if they were overbroad or grossly disproportionate; for example, the quarantine of persons who are at low risk of infection or of entire city blocks because of a few residents suspected of infection.<\/p>\n

CCLA\u2019s position\u00a0is\u00a0therefore that any expansion of the quarantine regime must be clearly justified by\u00a0empirically sound,\u00a0scientific evidence and should not be more liberty-restrictive than necessary. That said, while\u00a0s. 22(7) of the\u00a0provincial legislation requires public health officials to justify in writing their decision to quarantine, the only way the statute enables testing of whether those reasons are backed up by evidence is through the statutory appeal process, which may be moot (as pointed out above) because a hearing need only be conducted after 15 days.<\/p>\n

Also, no judicial authority is needed to quarantine, unlike, say,\u00a0pre-trial detention without bail. While we are unaware of any political influence bearing upon public health officials federally in this case, nor is there any process prescribed, contrary to administration law principles.<\/p>\n

Another potential issue is equality-related \u2013 if the government were to enact detention measures that disproportionately and unjustifiably affected\u00a0a particular racialized community, such as\u00a0the\u00a0Chinese-Canadian\u00a0community,\u00a0e.g.,\u00a0quarantine of\u00a0a city\u2019s\u00a0Chinatown.\u00a0That\u00a0would raise an\u00a0s.\u00a07 or\u00a015\u00a0Charter<\/em>\u00a0equality issue, as well as engaging federal and provincial human rights commissions. Prejudices have historically informed public health policy globally and in North America; for example, in 1900, U.S. President McKinley ordered a quarantine of all Chinese and Japanese residents in part because \u201cAsians were particularly susceptible to plague because of their dietary reliance on rice rather than animal protein<\/a>.\u201d Of course, there is no evidence of Canadian authorities repeating such naked racism today, but CCLA\u00a0will always\u00a0take the opportunity to express solidarity with an embattled community that is\u00a0currently sounding the alarm over coronavirus-induced racism.<\/a><\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\t\t\t<\/div> \n\t\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div> \n<\/div><\/div>\n\t\t

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About the Canadian Civil Liberties Association<\/h3>\n
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The CCLA is an independent, non-profit organization with supporters from across the country. Founded in 1964, the CCLA is a national human rights organization committed to defending the rights, dignity, safety, and freedoms of all people in Canada.<\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

For the Media<\/h3>\n
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For further comments, please contact us at\u00a0media@ccla.org<\/u><\/a>.<\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

For Live Updates<\/h3>\n
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Please keep referring to\u00a0this page<\/a>\u00a0and to our social media platforms. We are on\u00a0Instagram<\/u><\/a>,\u00a0Facebook<\/u><\/a>, Twitter<\/u><\/a> and Blue Sky<\/u><\/a>.<\/p>\n\t<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n\n\t\t\t<\/div> \n\t\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div> \n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\t\t\t<\/div> \n\t\t<\/div>\n\t<\/div> \n<\/div><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Cet article traite des implications sur les libert\u00e9s civiles des quarantaines de coronavirus qui auront lieu en 2020 au Canada. Il existe des lois f\u00e9d\u00e9rales sur la quarantaine et des lois provinciales sur la quarantaine, qui varient \u00e9videmment d'une province \u00e0 l'autre. Les lois f\u00e9d\u00e9rales et la plupart des provinces sur la quarantaine ont \u00e9t\u00e9 mises \u00e0 jour apr\u00e8s la crise du SRAS de 2003, au cours de laquelle tous les gouvernements canadiens de tous les niveaux ont d\u00e9couvert qu'ils n'avaient pas les outils juridiques pour faire ce que les responsables de la sant\u00e9 publique ont recommand\u00e9. C\u2019\u00e9tait alors aussi chaotique au Canada que COVID19 semble l\u2019\u00eatre aux \u00c9tats-Unis, en Italie et dans d\u2019autres pays non pr\u00e9par\u00e9s pour COVID19.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":1395,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[27,101],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2230","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","category-covid-19","category-covid-19-law-enforcement"],"yoast_head":"\nCoronavirus (COVID-19) and Quarantine Law - CCLA<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ccla.org\/fr\/rapports-sur-des-cas-majeurs\/covid-19-law-enforcement\/coronavirus-and-quarantine-law\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_CA\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Coronavirus (COVID-19) and Quarantine Law - CCLA\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This post discusses the civil liberties implications of the coronavirus quarantines taking place in 2020 in Canada. There are federal quarantine laws and provincial quarantine laws, which obviously vary from province to province. The federal and most provincial quarantine laws were updated after the 2003 SARS crisis, during which time all Canadian governments of all levels discovered that they did not have the legal tools to do what public health officials recommended. 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